DEVELOPMENT OF RELIGIOUS EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS IN THE LANGGAR OF EAST JAVA (Ethnographic Studies in Jati, Sidorejo, Sugio, Lamongan, East Java)

The Langgar in the tradition of the Javanese community, in some other areas known as the Tajug, the Surau, and the Mosque. In general, this Langgar building has parts of the room such as a curing, main room, and porch, for worship activities and Islamic religious education using the halaqah and Sorogan methods. This research which uses ethnographic descriptive method seeks to describe the events of human resource development through religious education and the processes that take place in it. From this research, it was found that the method of human resource development in Langgar was through the Halaqoh educational institution (learning circle) with the Sorogan technique so that it necessitated mixed learning methods. The institutionalization of the values of Islamic teachings through this mixed learning process is interesting to study so that in this study the process of institutionalization through Islamic religious education in Langgar Jati, Sidorejo, Sugio, Lamongan, East Java.


A. PRELIMINARY
Human development through Islamic religious education institutions in Indonesia cannot be separated from the history of the development of Islam since the Nusantara (Archipelago). Islam came in the VII century AD then developed from the XIII century AD and the centuries afterward. The establishment of the Islamic kingdom is proof of its development. Since then the institutionalization of Islamic values has continued to this day.
The institutionalization of Islamic values is carried out in various ways, including through the political path of power, the way of trade, the way of marriage, the way of art, and the way of education. This last thing is interesting to study, namely to develop people through the institutionalization of values with education. Building these institutions are systematic and massive ways of spreading the Islamic religion and the values in it. From there developed the spread of the value of Islam through Islamic religious education, which happened since the Majapahit kingdom in East Java until Indonesia's independence.
In the East Java region, the inculcation of Islamic teachings through Islamic education was institutionalized through Islamic Boarding Schools, Mosque Recitation, and Langgar Studies (Surau), even the private homes of Islamic religious leaders. These educational institutions adjust to the dynamics of Islamic development at that time. Every time there is a Muslim community, there is an Islamic education activity that is institutionalized according to the situation and conditions in which they are located. This continues to the Islamic community in the regions of East Java.
Uniquely, the education of Islamic values is always associated with social aspects consequently this Islamic educational institution is intertwined with existing social institutions. The institution referred to is an institution or institution, which is congruent with organizations that have a steady composition of behavior patterns, roles, and relationships that are directed in binding individuals who have formal authority and legal sanctions, in order to achieve basic social needs.
The institutionalized Islamic education process above, therefore, can be understood why it took place in stages, from a very simple way to a modern and complex way as it is today. The process is in the form of chanting, which starts from the houses of religious leaders or at least those who understand religion, until the Islamic community is formed then establishes Islamic education institutions held in mosques, in Langgar (surau), in Islamic boarding schools, and in Madrasah (after modern). In the Islamic community in East Java, the education process in Langgar is conducted the halaqah and learning circle.
The process of institutionalizing values in education in Langgar that uses halaqah and learning circles is interesting to study so that this research is formulated as follows: How is the process of institutionalizing Islamic religious values in education in the Langgar, Jati, Sidorejo, Sugio, Lamongan, East Java, Indonesia?

B. CONCEPTS a. The Langgar of Java
The term of Langgar in the Javanese tradition, according to Azra (1999: 130), langgar in several other areas is known as Tajug, Surau, and a small mosque. In general, this Langgar building has parts of the room such as a curing, main room, and porch. This room space can be different in every existing room, but it can be ascertained not apart from the three public rooms that I mentioned earlier.
In the Minangkabau tradition, the term langgar is unknown, but they call it the term surau. The term Surau itself in the sense of etymology was adopted from Sanskrit namely "Suro", which means "place of worship". Understanding surau at first was "A small building for worshiping ancestral spirits". This reflects a condition that at first, the Minangkabau people had a belief in the spirits of their ancestors. In addition, Hindu and Buddhist influences have also entered the Minangkabau. In its development this mosque was used by the Minangkabau community to function as places of worship, preaching and the media to gather people, and even to become one of the first Islamic educational institutions in Minangkabau, West Sumatra. Surau had an important role in the first wave of Islamic reform in Minangkabau since the late 18th century.

b. Characteristics of Langgar
Langgar, Surau, or Mosque, besides being used as places of worship, is also used as places to conduct Islamic education. This surau plays an important role in Islamic education in the Nusantara (archipelago) (now: Indonesia), and even the education system in Langgar is the oldest Islamic education system in the Nusantara before the advent of pesantren and Madrasah. Al-Abdi in his book Almadlehal stated that the mosque or mosque is the best place for educational activities. By making educational institutions in this surau you will see the lives of Sunnah of Islam, eliminating heresy, developing God's laws, and eliminating the stratification of economic sense and status in education.

c. The Concept of Institutionalization
Institutional theory or the basic institutional theory of thought is the formation of organizations because of the pressure of the institutional environment that causes institutionalization. Zukler (1987), states that ideas or ideas in the institutional environment that form language and symbols that explain the existence of organizations and are taken (taken for granted) as norms in organizational concepts.
The existence of an organization occurs in a broad organizational scope where each organization influences other forms of organization through the process of adoption or institutionalization. Maggio and Powell (1983) called it the imitation process or the mimetic adoption of an organization against other organizational elements.
According to Di Maggio and Powell (1983) in Donaldson (1995), organizations are formed by the institutional environment around them. Influential ideas are then institutionalized and considered legitimate and accepted as an organizational way of thinking. The process of legitimacy is often carried out by organizations through state pressure and statements. Institutional theory is known for its affirmation of the organization only as a symbol and ritual.
Another perspective was put forward by Meyer and Scott (1983), who claimed that organizations are under pressure from various social forces to complete and harmonize a structure, organizations must compromise and maintain operational structures separately, because the organizational structure is not determined by the task environment, but more influenced by the general situation of the community where the shape of an organization is determined by the legitimacy, effectiveness, and rationality of the community.

d. Stages of Institutional Process
In order to the opinion of Scott (2001), developing three pillars in an institutional setting, namely regulative, normative, and cognitive. Regulatory pillars emphasize rules and sanctions arrangements, normative pillars contain evaluative dimensions and obligations, while cognitive pillars involve shared conceptions and frames which place on understanding meaning. Each of these pillars provides different reasons for legitimacy, both based on sanctions, moral authority, and cultural support.

C. METHODS
This research method departs from the interpretive paradigm, which is a paradigm that developed after World War II, as a critique of an objective positivistic approach. The interpretive paradigm sees that reality is the result of mental constructs that cannot be perceived through the senses, and is the result of specific social experiences. Besides reality is the result of an interpretation of individuals in seeing the world. (Denzin and Lincoln, 2009) This research is a qualitative research method with ethnographic and phenomenological case studies that examine the phenomenon of individual experiences that refer to a certain meaning (Griffin, 2003). Studying the phenomenon of uniqueness in the context of individuals and social communities related to one another in the form of the same pattern (Creswell, 2013). Assessing real phenomena, in the form of organizational, social, and political phenomena. Its nature refers to issues that are new (Yin, 1996).
The writing technique uses descriptive, which emphasizes efforts to describe the phenomenon of the communication process based on the experience gained as research participants and observations. The data obtained is of course descriptive data which can also be called narrative data.
Data mining is done by researchers by searching for subjective experiences and observing as the main method used to collect descriptive data. Data processing is done by coding certain terms or phrases or narratives for analysis. In the case of ethnographic research data the researcher is collected through participatory observation, and document inspection. Researchers describe a personal cultural experience in a particular community group. Ethnographic phenomenological descriptive research methods give researchers the opportunity to be directly involved and feel how a group under study constructs certain cultural meanings. Ethnographic data processing and analysis are relatively the same as other qualitative studies.

D. EXPLANATION
The process of institutionalizing Islamic values through Islamic religious education in langgar in East Java can be explained through data that can be presented in the narrative of researchers' experiences when undergoing Islamic religious education in Langgar Sidorejo Village, Sugio District, Lamongan Regency, East Java Province, Indonesia.
In the village of Sidorejo, the Islamic community established a mosque to do Jum' at praying and other praying. Sidorejo Village is in charge of 4 (four) Padukuhan (Hamlets) namely Padukuhan Kalikacang, Padukuhan Sendangrejo, Padukuhan Caling, and Padukuhan Jati. The mosque building itself is The mosque building itself is located in Padukuhan Jati as the center of the four existing Padukuhan (hamlets). Each Padukuhan has separated from each other with an average radius of 1-3 KM away from the mosque. At first, the reason for this distance made each hamlet establish Langgar for worship activities outside Jum' at Praying. The same thing also happened in Padukuhan Jati, where researchers underwent Islamic religious education.
In Padukuhan Jati there is a Langgar building that is hundreds of years old. The building has been moved by the community 5 times. Langgar's building moved from one Islamic leader to another Muslim leader. The movement of the Langgar building happened repeatedly because of the reason of regeneration as a result of Islamic religious leaders who had previously died. The Langgar building was then continued by the student of the Islamic religious figure. The student who is also the next Islamic religious figure will later bequeath the Langgar building to the next student who will also become a Muslim religious figure. Langgar buildings always move because they have to adjust the distance to the houses of Islamic religious leaders. Thus the Langgar building moved onwards until now, the building itself has also undergone changes along with its movement, ranging from buildings made of wood in the form of stilts to buildings made of cement shaped like the general Musholla today Langgar in Padukuhan Jati besides being a place of worship for obligatory praying and sunnah praying, qurban, sodaqoh, zakat, infaq, a celebration of Islamic holidays, deliberations, religious lectures, also functioned as a place of Islamic religious education. Langgar when functioned as a place to celebrate Islamic holidays, deliberations, religious lectures, and Islamic religious education is an activity of planting ideas or ideas in the institutional environment which in turn forms language and symbols that can explain the existence of organizations and are taken (taken for granted) as the norms in the midst of the environment of the Padukuhan Jati community.
According to the tradition of the Islamic community of Padukuhan Jati, a child who turns 7 has to separate his life from his parents, especially his mother. Teak hamlet children have the custom of staying overnight in Langgar. They go home to their parents only when they change clothes and eat. The ages of the children are spent in Langgar studying pray, learning to recite the Kyai Langgar and ustadz (young religious teachers) while honing their social skills in communities that are not their nuclear family. This kind of tradition is a phenomenon where the organization (Langgar) mutually influences other forms of organization (family) through the process of adoption or institutionalization so that this process will be imitated or accepted (mimetic adoption) of an organization (one family) to the elements other organizations (other families).
During the age of the children to adolescents, they get Islamic religious education that is nurtured by Kyai Langgar assisted by several ustadz (young clerics who are also students of the Kyai Langgar). The method of education is by means of sorogan that is one by one coming forward to the ustadz (cleric) to show the achievements of the latest part that has been studied. Each student has different learning achievements, so the term class is unknown. The curriculum is tiered starting pre Juz ama (practicing hijaiyah letters, reading kalimah, and practicing tajwid), Juz ama (practicing reading short letters), Post Juz ama (practicing reading Al-Quran). This learning process takes place giving ideas that are influential then institutionalized and considered valid and accepted as a way of thinking style of the organization (Langgar).
In Langgar there is also a process of legitimacy that is often carried out by Kyai Langgar through statements. In the process of implementing Islamic religious education in Langgar, the Kyai Langgar makes a statement depending on who is being addressed. If the Kyai Langgar students 'parents express more progress on the students' learning following the obstacles encountered during the education process. This statement to the parents of students is more meaningful to request for assistance in infrastructure, considering that Islamic education in Langgar is free or free. This transportation process takes place both ways.
Parents of students more often approve the request of the Kyai Langgar by deliberating with other parents of students in Langgar also, to work together to realize the assistance requested by the Kyai Langgar. Parents of students also convey their wishes to the Kyai Langgar usually in the form of a mandate or entrust the fate of intelligence, morals, character of children to the care of the Kyai Langgar. This two-way communication takes place very effectively, besides because it is a necessity of the teaching and learning process between the Kyai Langgar and their own children, they also assume that helping Langgar will bring blessings to their children and their knowledge will benefit.
The communication process of the Kyai Langgar is different again if what is faced is the Langgar congregation who usually performs Jamaah (congregational prayers) at the place and these people as pilgrims do not necessarily have children who become students there. Kyai Langgar usually gives statements through lectures after the sholat jamaah (congregational prayers). This transportation process goes more in the direction of the Kyai Langgar to the public or worshipers. If it is related to the vertical relationship of the servant with God, the content of the statement is usually in the form of an invitation to increase faith, piety, and other mandatory rituals. If it is related to horizontal relationships between humans, the content of the message is usually in the form of an invitation to give, help, respect, and other moral ethics. Lecture material is often associated with infaq, sodaqoh, zakat, qurban, and participation of major religious events (holiday). Although this transportation is more directional it is effective because usually the statement in the form of the recommendation was obeyed by the Jamaah (congregation). This happens because the worshipers of Langgar have the belief that the words of the Kyai Langgar if not followed will bring havoc, known as the kuwalat.
In the communication process of Kyai Langgar above either in the form of deliberations or unidirectional statements, then it is an organizational condition (Langgar) under contact with various social forces in order to complete and harmonize the structure, but in that deliberation, Langgar made a compromise and maintained operational structure separately, because the organizational structure (Langgar) is not determined by the situation of the task environment, but is more influenced by the general situation of the community where the form of an organization is determined by the legitimacy, effectiveness, and rationality of the community.
On the other hand, the Kyai Langgar carries out a different process of communication if what is faced is his own students who are studying Islam in Langgar. The way of communication exhibited by Kyai Langgar is by instructing the students to learn by bersila (sitting cross-legged) for men and bersimpuh (sit cross-legged as the tahiyat akhir (part of final praying) without bending the big toe) for women. This transportation goes more in the same direction. All students and religious teachers obey the command without conditions. They all sat down without using a bench or small table to place the book. The position of the ustadz (cleric and young clerics) was the same, sitting cross-legged.
After halaqoh (sitting in a circle) without anyone to give a cue, suddenly all the students voiced the Basmallah sentence followed by the recitation of the Surah Al-Fatihah in a loud and loud voice. In this initial section, the students adjust each other so that their reading can be compact because all students memorize the letter. After completing the reading of Surat Al-Fatihah, the atmosphere became like chaos, each student read aloud their own subject matter according to their respective achievements. Every child has their own learning achievements that are different from other children. This confusion only occurs in the voice, but in gesture, they are very orderly and solemn. The relationship process that took place at that time was actually intrapersonal communication.
After all, reading each material, it was the turn of each student to learn by facing ustadz (young clerics) one by one (sorogan technique). The learning process at this stage uses two-way communication. Students demonstrate their reading to ustadz as young teachers and they correct if there is an error on students. After the sorogan from the ustadz, the students approached the Kyai Langgar one by one, to shake hands and excuse at the Langgar then play with each other while waiting for the Isha prayer to arrive. The whole process ended when it was the turn of the young Muslim cleric who turned to the Kyai Langgar to study the Al-Qur'an after all the students had finished. The relationship process goes both ways. The young Ustadz read the material to Kyai Langgar and Kyai Langgar corrected the mistakes of the young clerics. The Sorogan education process was continued with unidirectional communication from the Kyai Langgar in the form of advice to young clerics on how to advance education to students in langgar.
The communication process between Kyai Langgar, the young cleric, and students incidentally often also takes place in this Langgar of Padukuhan Jati. Usually, this communication goes in the same direction, from Kyai Langgar to young clerics and students as a result of serious violations for the Langgar institution. Such offenses are usually in the form of juvenile delinquency. It often happens that at night some students wake their sleeping classmates to be invited by Ghasab (pick up objects by notifying the owner later) of palawija (food) in the farmers' garden of Padukuhan Jati or Hamlet of Neighbors. The results of the stew are cooked together for example corn, soybeans, or cassava to be burned and enjoyed in a crowd. Usually after consuming it is ended by drinking fresh young coconut of course this is also the result of Ghasab.
The Ghasab incident from the garden for the Padukuhan Jati tradition is not considered a criminal act by the owner of the orchard or the Hamlet community, as long as it is consumed in moderation, but for the Langgar Jati institution, this is categorized as a serious criminal act. Because of this, it often happens after the party last night, once the congregation is completed in Subuh Prayer the students get a very scary one-way statement from the Kyai Langgar Padukuhan Jati. If this happens it will usually be followed by parents of students who will also get anger from the Kyai Langgar.
The various instances of the process of institutionalizing values through Islamic religious education in Langgar Padukuhan Jati mentioned above are the development of three pillars in an institutional setting, namely regulative, normative, and cognitive. Regulatory pillars emphasize rules and sanctions arrangements, normative pillars contain evaluative dimensions and obligations, while cognitive pillars involve shared conceptions and frames which place on understanding meaning. Each of these pillars provides different reasons in terms of legitimacy, both based on sanctions, moral authority, and cultural support.

E. CONCLUSION
From the ethnographic description above, it can be concluded that the institutionalization of Islamic teaching values in Langgar education through the ongoing relationship process of Islamic religious institutions in Langgar Padukuhan Jati, Sidorejo, Sugio, Lamongan, East Java, Indonesia to the community was actually carried out by using communication unidirectional, twoway, interpersonal, and public so that in turn an institutional arrangement that is regulative, normative, and cognitive is formed.